|Frazier Glenn Miller|
Miller's worldview had begun to change in the late 1960s as a result of becoming better acquainted with his father, who had been generally absent when Glenn Miller was growing up. In 1974 Miller joined the National States Rights Party, and then in early 1976 the National Socialist Party of America. Miller says that his former marriage to a Polynesian woman was never a secret.
Official documents state that Miller was in the Army from 03 March 1959 to 31 May 1979 (a full 20-year stint) at which time he retired. His rank/grade is given as Master Sergeant. Decorations and awards include: Parachutist Badge, National Defense Service Medal, Vietnam Service Medal with 1 silver service star and 2 bronze service stars, Army Commendation Medal, Bronze Star Medal, Republic of Vietnam Campaign Medal, Republic of Vietnam Gallantry Cross with Palm, Good Conduct Medal (5th award), Vietnam Civil Actions Medal 1st class. The announcement of his Bronze Star award on 16 June 1970 says that he was at the time Sergeant First Class, assigned to Detachment B-53, 5th Special Forces Group (Airborne), 1st Special Forces.
In a post on the Northwest Front Forums dated 7 February 2010, Harold Covington took overall credit for the vast section of A Brief History of the White Nationalist Movement that is about Frazier Glenn Miller: "The Glenn Miller section is pretty much mine..." In truth, however, almost half of it is plagiarized from an essay by Bill White titled "published on Overthrow.com in February 2006. "
Harold Covington's Brief History claims that Miller had not one but several mixed-race children, and had them playing in his yard with his White children when he was a unit leader in the NSPA. We are supposed to believe that a member of the National Socialist Party of America, Karl Kessler, observed this, but that Covington, leader of the party in North Carolina, somehow never learned about it until years later.
Most likely Covington says that he only learned "years later" of Miller's past in order to avoid the problem of explaining why he, as a higher-up in the NSPA, had been willing to overlook it for several years. The same pattern is evident in the way that Covington has chosen -- even to this day -- to feign ignorance of his friend Frank Collin's Jewish ancestry.
Then there is the matter of Glenn Miller's consumption of alcohol. While Bill White only mentions Miller's being intoxicated on one occasion, Covington caricatures him as a man constantly intoxicated. It is certain that Covington exaggerates, because at the time of his association with Covington and the NSPA Miller was an active-duty Army non-commissioned officer (E-8 Master Sergeant) and had to be sober at least five days a week. He also mentions turning down a shot of moonshine prior to the 1979 Greensboro Shootout because it was too early in the day.
Be that as it may, Glenn Miller clearly did have a drinking problem that was a great source of weakness for him. Miller talks about alcohol a few times in his autobiography. He even mentions a DUI arrest, and another occasion of driving while intoxicated. More importantly, it seems likely that a certain tendency to flee into escapism, which may have been the fundamental cause of his alcohol-consumption, undermined Miller's ability to deal with stressful situations in a steady, rational manner.
In the early 1980s Frazier Glenn Miller led the most visible White racist organization in the country. Originally called the Carolina Knights of the KKK, then the Confederate Knights of the KKK, it ultimately became known as the White Patriot Party. Miller's organization was brought down through (1) the misbehavior of some members, (2) focused legal harassment, and (3) Miller's insufficient nerve and prudence for the tremendously difficult situations that he had to navigate.
Several members of Glenn Miller's Carolina Knights of the KKK who were employees of a North Carolina prison were accused of harassing and intimidating a Negro coworker at his home while representing themselves as members of the CKKKK. This gave an occasion for the Southern Poverty Law Center to sue..
In October 1983 Morris Dees' SPLC filed a $1 million civil suit against Glenn Miller and his organization for civil-rights violation. Miller writes: "This was the beginning of my downfall and the downfall of the organization which I had begun in December of 1980." ( A White Man Speaks Out, ch. 6)
Since a public defender is not provided in Federal civil suits Miller had to conduct the defense himself, which meant that much of his time was taken up as an amateur trying to deal with documents pertaining to the suit, forming a stack of paper four feet high by the time Miller accepted an agreement (consent decree) offered by Morris Dees in January 1985. The agreement said that Miller would not break various laws of North Carolina nor march through predominantly Black neighborhoods.
Miller explains: "Since I did not intend to do any of those things anyway, I was willing to sign it, just to get Dees off my back.... The difference was of course, that by signing the agreement 'as leader of,' I was accepting legal responsibility for every single member and associate of my organization."
While the desire to be done with Dees' lawsuit is entirely understandable, it is clear that Miller should have sought professional advice before signing that "scrap of paper" which he somehow thought would have no consequence.
Miller had interpreted Dees' suit as essentially a fishing expedition; Dees had used the suit as a premise to subpoena and question a large number of CKKKK members, in the hope, Miller believed, of uncovering some real crime. After fifteen months Dees could be considered to have failed in his purpose. Miller perhaps regarded the agreement as Dees' attempt to save face -- to declare victory and go home -- when in reality he was setting a trap.
The most important fact about the consent decree, was that it meant that an alleged violation of the criminal laws of North Carolina would be tried in a federal court, where Morris Dees had allies like crooked US Attorney Sam Currin, whose crookedness is evident in the fact that he pleaded guilty in 2006 to conspiracy to launder money, obstruction of justice, failing to surrender documents, and lying to a grand jury (Chris Fitzsimmon, NC Policy Watch, 9 October 2006).
While the first Morris Dees suit was still going on, in August 1984, ten months after the suit began, Miller was visited by Robert Jay Mathews, who gave him $75,000, which, upon being asked, he admitted was stolen. After that, Mathews brought along several members of the Order who witnessed Miller's receiving an additional $125,000. The fact that a number of members of the Order witnessed the transfer left Miller vulnerable in the event that those members were ever arrested and decided to testify, which some of them did.
When Miller's wife found out that her husband had accepted stolen money, she raged at him for several days, screaming, "I married an idiot!" among other observations.
The real problem was the number of people that had witnessed the second transfer. Order-member Bruce Pierce, shortly after his capture in April 1985, revealed that Glenn Miller had received stolen funds from the Order. Although Pierce subsequently recanted, the revelation made Miller a focus of increased hostile scrutiny.*
Then an alleged violation of the agreement with the SPLC occurred. In July 1986 Glenn Miller, Stephen Samuel Miller, and the White Patriot Party faced the misdemeanor charge of contempt of court for violating the agreement that had ended the earlier civil-rights suit, with Morris Dees allowed to play the role of special prosecutor.
According to Miller the case was based on perjured testimony from two convicts, James Holder and Robert Norman Jones. Miller writes in his autobiography that Holder's testimony lacked credibility, while Jones lied convincingly. Miller complained that one of his witnesses, Ward Frazier, had been physically beaten to prevent him from testifying (AP, 1 August 1986).
After the trial Miller underwent a lie-detector examination to demonstrate that he had never met Jones and that Jones was therefore lying with his claim that Miller had acquired illegal weapons through him.
Apart from outright perjury, some highly imaginative "expert testimony" of questionable relevance was admitted, from FBI special agent Wayne Manis. Following the arrest of Bruce Pierce in April 1985, the fact that Miller had some connection to the Order became public, a connection that was exaggerated by the FBI agent:
An Effram Zimbalist, Jr. clone in the person of an FBI agent testified for the prosecution that he was an expert on The Order, and on the book Turner Diaries, and that Glenn Miller was definitely a member of The Order, and, I was carrying out the Turner Diary blue-print plan of violently overthrowing the government. He went on to describe in gory detail many of the crimes attributed to members of The Order, implying that I was as guilty as they. (Miller ch. 13)
The Turner Diaries is a novel, and while it portrays some methods that a guerrilla-organization could use, the claim that the work constitutes a "blueprint" -- in other words, an overall strategy -- is absurd. The method whereby the heroes of the novel win in the end, by tricking the Soviet Union into launching a nuclear attack, lacks credibility. The author, Dr. William Pierce, has said that he wrote the novel to convey certain ideas to people who were more inclined to read fiction than non-fiction. The Turner Diaries presents a future dystopia based on trends that Dr. William Pierce had observed in the 1970s. The main purpose of The Turner Diaries was to make people aware of those trends.
Furthermore, the picture of a vast White Racist Conspiracy that Wayne Manis portrayed was not realistic. It was the same picture of a vast racist conspiracy that formed the basis of the Fort Smith Sedition Trial in 1987-1988, which ended with all defendants acquitted, and was such an embarrassment for the Reagan Administration that Attorney General Ed Meese resigned. (The Justice Department's paranoid belief in a monolithic racist conspiracy in the 1980s parallels the exaggerations of the Soviet menace during the same period, and also foreshadows the paranoia about a monolithic Islamic conspiracy fifteen years later. Most likely all of these exaggerated beliefs can be traced to the influence of Neoconservative Jews, Ed Meese's chief of staff at the time being Neoconservative Jew and future talkshow-host Mark Reed Levin.)
Miller describes this trial for contempt of court as a kangaroo process where emotionality and the say-so of authority figures trumped all. It lasted only five days. After hearing the FBI agent's paranoid testimony, and seeing how it swayed the court, Miller panicked. This was what Miller says induced him to go underground and declare war on the government, ending in his apprehension along with Jack Jackson, Douglas Sheets, Tony Wydra, and some illegal weapons in a rented mobile home in Ozark, Missouri about six weeks later.
The White Patriot Party continued for a few months under the leadership of Miller's handpicked successors Cecil Cox and Gordon Ipock (a.k.a. Gordon Gray), but the prosecutions of Glenn Miller and others had left members fearful, and without the force of Glenn Miller's personality the organization sputtered and died. In September 1986 Ipock left the White Patriot Party and advocated its dissolution, stating that he feared legal harassment from US Attorney Sam Currin. By early 1987 Cecil Cox had formed a new organization with Ipock called the Southern National Front that was supposed to be less controversial, but it never had the success of Glenn Miller's White Patriot Party.
Among the lessons of the story of Glenn Miller and the White Patriot Party are (1) do not sign legally binding agreements without good expert advice, and (2) do not panic under pressure. In both instances, signing the consent decree and then "going underground," Glenn Miller allowed the desire for escape from immediate difficulties to overpower him, rather than realistically persevering in the course of action most likely to produce the least terrible long-term result.
* It seems that Miller's acceptance of money from the Order was not in itself deemed prosecutable. Nobody (other than actual members of Robert Mathews' organization) who was said to have received such money was ever prosecuted for it, nor even required to return the funds. Rather it was the slight personal acquaintance with Robert Mathews and members of his illegal revolutionary group that was the problem. That connection facilitated portraying Miller and his White Patriot Party as a similar endeavor within a larger conspiracy: guilt by association and guilt by conspiracy-theory.